Tuesday, May 31, 2016

We Investigate Zambia's Damaging Child Marriage Practice Tonight on VICELAND

Tonight on an all new episode of WOMAN—a VICELAND show from feminist activist and writer Gloria Steinem that explores issues affecting women around the world—we follow a 14-year-old Zambian girl through a pre-wedding ritual before she's taken out of school and married off to a 48-year-old man to understand how child marriage threatens the economic growth and well-being of the entire region. Check out a preview above and make sure to catch the full episode tonight on VICELAND.

WOMAN airs Tuesdays at 10 PM on VICELAND.



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The VICE Guide to the 2016 Election: Donald Trump Interrupted His Own Press Conference to Complain That the Press Asks Too Many Questions

On Tuesday, presumptive Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump held a press conference, where he was meant to explain what happened to the roughly $6 million he allegedly raised for veterans earlier this year. But in classic Trump fashion, he quickly derailed his own trail of thought to call an ABC News reporter named Tom Llamas "a sleaze"—and to voice some complaints about the press in general.

Back on January 28, days before the Iowa caucuses, Trump skipped a Republican debate in the Hawkeye State, and instead, held his own event, which he claimed would raise money for veterans. Since then, it has never been entirely clear how much money the event raised, or whether most of that actually went to any groups supporting veterans. Consequently, at many points over the past four months, quite a few reporters (including Llamas) have asked questions like, "What ever happened to all that money Trump raised for the veterans?"

Tuesday's press conference—during which Trump stood at his usual Trump podium, with a handful of veterans standing behind him—appeared to be an attempt by his campaign to put these questions to bed once and for all. Kicking things off, Trump claimed that he and his supporters had donated "almost $6 million" (At the fundraiser in January, which I attended, Trump placed the total at over $6 million, but hey, close enough).

"I'm not not looking for credit," Trump continued, "but what I don't want is, when I raise millions of dollars, have people say—like this sleazy guy right over here from ABC; he's a sleaze in my book." At this point, he gestured directly to Llamas.

After the conference, Llamas took to Twitter to offer a possible reason why Trump might single him out, pointing to an exchange in which the reporter suggested that the $6 million figure was an exaggeration.

Trump and Llamas have publicly traded barbs in the past. On Tuesday, when Llamas asked why Trump had called him names on TV, Trump replied, "You're a sleaze because you know the facts, and you know the facts well."

According to Trump, the media's sleaziness doesn't stop with Llamas. "The press is so dishonest and so unfair," he told the room full of reporters. "What I got was worse than credit, because they were questioning me." Trump added that he had "never received such bad publicity for doing such a good job."

From there, the conference meandered around to such news events as the death of Harambe the gorilla. Trump also sarcastically called Weekly Standard editor Bill Kristol a "real beauty," and said he was a "loser." Then he called Mitt Romney a "fool."

Regarding the actual substance of the press conference—as in, where all that money went—Trump described a sort of vetting process for the veterans organizations that received funds, and proffered a list of groups he claims received funds, along with the amounts allotted. The list doesn't mention when the checks were written.

The document also notes that while $100,000 has been earmarked for one group called "Project for Patriots, Inc.," no check will actually be cut until tax documents are released. Trump has repeatedly declined to release his tax documents, but his campaign, unlike Project for Patriots, Inc., is receiving hundreds of thousands of dollars in donations in the meantime.

Follow Mike Pearl on Twitter.



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A Vegan Cafe Was Attacked by Meat-Wielding Neo-Nazis

The Kiwi Café in Tbilisi, Georgia. All photos by Beth Ann Lopez

The Kiwi Café in Tbilisi, Georgia, is a hipster enclave in the city. It's located on a rundown street at the edge of the old town and is known for its veggie burgers and falafel. But this weekend, the cafe became the target of an attack by extremists, who reportedly ransacked the cafe and bludgeoned its patrons with meat.

Around 15 people brandishing meat skewers showed up at the business on Sunday and began shouting at customers, throwing pieces of meat at them and into their food, according to Kiwi Café staff.

"They were wearing sausages on their necks," 20-year-old Giorgi Gegelashvili, who works at the cafe and seemed slightly traumatized by the event, told VICE. "They were yelling, 'We know your face, who know who you are.'"

The counter at Kiwi Café

Gegelashvili and other staffers told me the attackers were members of a local neo-Nazi soccer fan club who had harassed patrons of the Kiwi Café a month earlier.

According to Kiwi Café staff, as the yelling and abuse spilled into the street, over a dozen neighbors noticed the ruckus and joined in. They claim that the neighbors were yelling that the cafe's customers and staff were "punks" who were "not Georgian" and "had no respect for traditional values."

According to Kiwi Café's statement on the incident, a female cafe worker's face was shoved onto the street, while a customer's face was cut after a man hit him with a walking stick. A brawl reportedly ensued, with about four of the cafe's staff and patrons receiving some kind of injury.

"Our neighbors do not like us, maybe because we have piercings and tattoos and talk about peace," Gegelashvili told me.

A patron inside Kiwi Café

Kiwi first opened in July 2015 and is run by a cooperative of vegans, most of whom sport dreads, tattoos, and piercings. The place is a symbol of counterculture, decorated with posters that say things like, "Not your mom, not your milk!" In New York or San Francisco, such an establishment would hardly cause a stir. But in Georgia, it sticks out like a sore thumb.

"I do not like that Kiwi place," a small business owner on the same street as the cafe told me, although he said he knew nothing about the recent events. "They put things in their hair, their skin..."

The attack dovetails rising concerns in the country over the far right, and particularly the status of sexual minorities and immigrants. Earlier this month, a massive anti-gay conference was hosted in Tbilisi, and during Independence Day celebrations last week, hundreds of ultra-nationalists marched through Tbilisi chanting "Georgia is for the Georgians!"

Vegans and others with "alternative lifestyles" are often lumped together with gays and immigrants by the extreme right, according to Shota Kincha, a researcher at the Tbilisi-based Human Rights Education and Monitoring Center.

"Obviously, those who work or frequent were and are identified as dubious or deviant in terms of their lifestyle and expression," Kincha told VICE.

Artwork inside Kiwi Café

According to Kiwi Café's statement, the chaos ended when police arrived at the scene.

It appears that police are investigating the incident. When I visited Kiwi on Tuesday, several of the cafe's staff members were meeting uniformed police officers and being driven to the police station for interviews.

Mariam Tabatadze inside Kiwi Café

No arrests have been reported so far, though Kiwi staff claim to know the identities of some of the sausage-wielding attackers.

For its part, Kiwi Café has promised to remain open "in spite of... everyday negative attitudes to us and other people who visit us." The cafe has also received support both online and offline, although that has been tempered by some anti-vegan vitriol on its Facebook page as well.

Earlier today, David Vashadze, who works as the Georgian Film Commissioner, came to Kiwi for a coffee and to show solidarity with the establishment. He was with a friend who denounced the assault as un-Georgian.

"That was very stupid," Vashadze told me, "and I'm not even vegetarian."

Follow Charles Rollet on Twitter.



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The Artist: The Artist Goes to a Sad Party in Today's Comic by Anna Haifisch

Look at Anna Haifisch's art and comics on her website and Twitter.



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The VICE Guide to the 2016 Election: People Hate Trump and Hillary, but Will They Actually Vote for a Libertarian?

Gary Johnson outside the Utah State Capitol in Salt Lake City. (AP Photo/Rick Bowmer, File)

Spend five minutes with a Libertarian and chances are they'll start talking about what's wrong with the Federal Reserve, taxes, speed limits, the War on Drugs, national borders, gun laws, and any number of other government intrusions on personal liberty. Spend ten minutes with a Libertarian and they'll let you know that everyone agrees with them. Most Americans are socially liberal but fiscally conservative, the argument goes, so those people are actually libertarian-leaning already—they just "don't realize it," as Libertarian Party (LP) presidential candidate Gary Johnson told me in 2012.

They sure didn't realize it that year. Johnson got about 1 percent of the national vote in the 2012 election—not bad for an American third-party candidate, but well short of the 5 percent that the LP needs to qualify for federal funding, and less than half of the percentage Ralph Nader got for the Green Party in 2000.

Four years later, things are maybe, possibly looking up for Johnson and the Libertarians. Multiple polls this month found him with double-digit support in a hypothetical three-way race with Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump. This might be a sign of how hated the major-party candidates are rather than a outpouring of love for libertarianism. Johnson himself admitted to Politico that if "Mickey Mouse were in a poll, he'd be getting 30 percent." But for whatever reason, the LP is suddenly in the spotlight, and it's a strange and uncomfortable place for the party to be.

The LP convention, held this past weekend in Orlando, Florida, ended with the nomination of Johnson and his running mate William Weld, a result that should have made the party seem serious. Before he became a pot entrepreneur, Johnson was the Republican governor of New Mexico, and Weld is a former Massachusetts governor who is so mainstream that he's disliked by many Libertarians. Compared to Trump, Johnson and Weld are a boring pair, the sort of candidates that a third party in search of legitimacy should be nominating.

Coverage of the convention, however, focused on the nutty sideshows. Libertarianism at its broadest is just a dislike of government intrusion into people's private lives, but in practice, that can range from "I should be allowed to smoke pot and own guns" to "I should be allowed to drive a tank around my survivalist compound, which, by the way, I have mostly filled with sex workers, endangered animals, and unpasteurized milk."

At the LP debate, Johnson's support for the 1964 Civil Rights Act and driver's licenses drew boos, but his proposal to legalize drugs was a position presumably shared by most of the audience. As Slate's Seth Stevenson reported, Johnson's competition included the wild-eyed, woke-as-fuck software pioneer John McAfee; a guy who only takes campaign contributions in the form of cryptocurrency and precious metals; and a medical doctor who delivered his debate statements in a form closer to slam poetry that is actually pretty good, I think? Also, at one point a big guy with a beard stripped down to his thong.

This is the space most third parties exist in. They're perpetual benchwarmers who know they'll never be asked to step in for the starters, and are free to goof off, to dream big and get wacky, to wear suits with sneakers and T-shirts with blazers (another big thing that libertarians support). The difference for the LP in 2016 is that people are treating it seriously, and the combination leads to a lot of negative attention.

Stevenson wrote that "the Libertarian Party isn't close to ready—or maybe doesn't ever want to be ready—for political prime time." Ian Tuttle of the National Review made some of the same points in his convention writeup, saying, "the Libertarian party is a reminder that no one truly grows out of Dungeons and Dragons.... Organization-wise, it's the political equivalent of the cantina scene from Star Wars."

Beyond the weird anti-nerd burns, it's true that small, underfunded political parties aren't as slick as the Democrats or Republicans. It's also unfair to show up to a convention for a lost cause, then dismiss the crowd as losers. And were any of the assembled weirdos at the LP stranger than, say, Ben Carson?

Meanwhile, as people who hate both Trump and Clinton consider Johnson, they'll have to actually look at his positions, which may very well turn them off as well. Earlier this month, conservative pundit Erick Erickson wrote that the LP needed to "grow up" by pandering to #NeverTrump Republicans who hate gay marriage and abortion. Others on the right might have problems with Johnson saying that "religious freedom" laws are often pretenses to allow for discrimination against gay people. As for leftists and liberals unhappy with Clinton, they might look at the LP's stances on gun control (boooo) and climate change (not the government's problem, generally), and decide that the Green Party's Jill Stein is a better protest vote.

Johnson will need to get 15 percent in five national polls to qualify for the general election presidential debates—a tall order, since his name isn't even included on all surveys. Even if that's impossible, getting 5 percent of the vote nationally would give the LP a boost in 2020, and maybe attract a better class of candidate. This is a chance, as nearly everyone has said, for the Libertarian Party to grow and turn into a true political force. But 2016 will be a tipping point either way. If, despite a pair of unpopular major-party candidates and this wave of exposure, the LP can't get more than a couple percentage points of voters to sign on, it won't be the beginning of a new era for the movement—it'll be the end.



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Soldiers Who Fought Each Other in the Falklands War Are Now Sharing a Stage

The cast of 'MINEFIELD,' Lou Armour is sitting bottom right. Photo by Manuel Abramovich

This article originally appeared on VICE UK

In 1982, Corporal Lou Armour had just arrived on the Falkland Islands when the Argentines invaded. A photograph that was taken as he led his unit out of Government House became an iconic image of the conflict in Argentina.

Thirty-four years later and 8,000 miles away from the battlefield on which he fought, Lou Armour is performing alongside men who were once his enemies, in a play devised by Argentinian artist Lola Arias. MINEFIELD merges documentary theater, film, and re-enactment, while bringing together veterans who fought on opposite sides of the Falklands War and having them share first-hand experiences with one another.

I talked to Armour—now a special needs teacher—about life on and off the battlefield, and what it's like to share war stories with the very people he fought against.

VICE: When and why did you join the Royal Marines?
Lou Armour: I was 16-and-a-half when I first joined the Marines in 1974. I wanted to escape from the place I lived in Warwickshire, and the Marines seemed like a good idea at the time. I was a young lad and I was pretty bright, but I was in trouble a lot because I was running away from school. I wasn't doing things like smoking or going down the shops—the truant officers would usually find me in the library or at an art gallery.

How did you come to be in the Falklands when the Argentines invaded?
I was supposed to be there for a year as part of a detachment. I like a bit of painting and stuff like that, so I fancied going out there and seeing a bit of wilderness. But I got there and, four days later, the Argentines invaded and tried to kill me.

To cut a long story short, I had a running battle with a bunch of Argentines in armored vehicles who were chasing me and my section back towards Stanley. When we eventually got to Government House we were taking fire from three directions: the Argentines who were attacking the house, both behind and in front, and our own guys, who were in the house and thought we were another Argentine snatch squad trying to get in. So that was a bit hairy. An Argentine was killed that day and a few more wounded.

Photo from the 'Times,' Lou is the guy at the front.

Tell me about that iconic photograph you feature in.
We were in the house and it was totally surrounded by armored vehicles. The Governor said, "Well done, lads, good effort, but we're stopping." As I led my section out of the house, a Times reporter stepped forward and took that photograph. But I don't remember it being taken.

Why did you want to return to the Falklands to fight the war?
Well, first of all they asked for volunteers. And, you know, I was a young man and my friends were going back. I wanted to be with my friends.

What did you and your friends make of the politics behind the war?
On the way down we knew that Galtieri had been in trouble at home and that's why he invaded the Falklands. We knew Thatcher wanted to kick back because, politically, it was the right move for her to make. She'd also been in trouble at home and it was her chance to stand up and show the world that she was a strong leader. We weren't interested in Maggie, the Queen, or any of that—we just knew that we were going back to have a fight with some guys who had once tried to kill us.

"We tried to kill you, and we did, we killed lots of you. You started a war. We finished it by killing more of you than you killed of us."

What was it like when you returned the Falklands?
I landed on May 21 at San Carlos, which at the time was nicknamed Bomb Alley, and we were bombed day-in, day-out for five days until we started to gain air superiority. I was watching ships being bombed and ships firing missiles at aircrafts—it was like watching a Second World War movie.

Then I went to Goose Green on May 28, where a lot of people had been killed and wounded that day. Myself and the rest of the troop were flown in to replace them. I didn't actually have to fight there, because they surrendered the next day. Because of the weather and lack of equipment we just had to carry all our heavy equipment back to Mount Kent, instead of being flown there. That was psychologically the toughest thing I'd ever done. You're walking and falling, walking and falling—some of the lads carrying up to 100 pounds—and if you fell over it took two guys to lift you back up. Then there was the lack of sleep, the wet, the cold, the diarrhea. At the end I took part in a night-time battle on Mount Harriet. There were 400 British and Argentines dead and wounded that night. Two days later I was back in Stanley putting the flag back up, right back at Government House where I'd started.

How did you feel when the war ended?
I think I went a bit kind of daft, to be honest with you. I stayed until 86 and I tried to join Special Forces. Some of it was a bit demanding—that's about all I'm going to say. I didn't make it, for various reasons, and sometimes I do think to myself, Why did I do that?

So I bought myself out by selling my medals. I had my rucksack on my back and some money in my hand, and I walked into a pub and met a couple of teachers who were playing pool, and I moved into their place that night. After that I did an access course and then went to Lancaster University. I studied politics, sociology, and art history, and ended up writing a PhD on the logical grammar of color concepts. I now teach boys with ESBD—emotional, social, and behavioral difficulties.

Lou Armour (middle) with Marcelo Vallejo (left) and Gabrial Sagastume (right). Photo by Tristram Kenton

Did you find it difficult to adjust to civilian life?
I kind of buried it all. Certainly when I came back I didn't want to take part in any of the celebrations. I just thought the sense of pride was misplaced. I'd just been to war and people had been killed on both sides—that's nothing to cheer about. I don't think any soldier would celebrate that.

Has it been difficult to revisit some of those buried memories for this play?
This whole process has been quite emotional, and I'm not frightened to admit it. It's been a kind of gradual release, I think, and a gradual telling of stories. When I heard the stories of the Argentine lads, I thought, Shit, why did they choose to have me in the show? Because their stories are truly terrible. I mean, what they have to say is heartbreaking. My experiences have not been like that. To be honest with you, I've felt like a bit of a fraud and I still do.

What's it like sharing stories with people who were once your enemies?
Sometimes I can compartmentalize their experiences. So when Rubén were infantry guys, so their experiences—on the ground, in the mud, in that weather—I can empathize with those because I experienced the same things.

Just occasionally, when the script changes and something new is introduced, suddenly the elephant in the room appears. There are a couple of elephants: one of them is politics, which I'm not really interested in, but the other is: "We tried to kill you, and we did; we killed lots of you. You started a war. We finished it by killing more of you than you killed of us." It only lasts for a moment, but there's that recognition.

Has this process made you think differently about war?
I've always known that wars are fought by human beings. And I knew that the Argentine foot soldiers were going to be pretty much like me. Intellectually, I knew that we were the same. When I saw them dead and wounded on Mount Harriet I knew that. I definitely know it now that I've had meals with them, been to their houses, been to their schools, spoken to them about their experiences in the war.

What do you hope your audience takes away from the production?
I hope that it gives them a better understanding of how ordinary people can face each other as fighters, but overcome that to become friends. I also hope the British Forces forgive me for having to use the "I" word a lot of the time. Sometimes I've felt like saying, "I didn't win this war on my own, you know." We're all trying to speak on behalf of whoever was in the war—especially those that didn't return. But it's theater.

How is MINEFIELD relevant to younger people who have no memory of the Falklands conflict?
Growing up, I used to think wars happened either in far-away places or a long time ago. But when you think of the turmoil in the Middle East and some of the wars that have been going on in Eastern Europe—they're impacting on all societies in all kinds of ways. And they are close to home because the internet and media are bringing them into our homes. There's a lot of barbarity going on in the world at the moment, and we have a story about some guys' memories that overcome barbarity and refuse to engage in it.

Is there anything you would say to people today who are thinking of joining the Army?
I'd say, "Don't go and fight people like the Argentine lads. Go and fight ISIS. Don't go and fight people that have been forced into war-like situations by politicians who are just working for short-term gain. Go and fight people who have no respect for humanity."

MINEFIELD runs at the Royal Court Theatre from June 2 to 11 as part of LIFT Festival.



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The Artist Who Fights Authoritarianism with Doodles

Dan Perjovschi. All photos by Andrei Radu

This post originally appeared on VICE Romania

On January 7 the whole world was in mourning after the shootings at the French satirical mag Charlie Hebdo. A day after that, a frightened Romanian government spoke of instating a big brother-esque law, forcing cell-phone providers to retain their clients data and hand it over to the authorities when asked. While the law was being debated in the government's Victoria Palace, a couple of young protesters holding some signs that read "Freedom of Expression" staged a demonstration. Another protester held a drawing of a man being shot with machine guns. Both drawings were by artist Dan Perjovschi.

Drawing by Dan Perjovschi made during the protests in Gezi Park

And they weren't the only ones. From the Roșia Montană marches against cyanide mining in Romania, to the Turkish protests in Gezi Park, and the social movements against the Brazilian World Cup, Perjovschi's drawings have been printed out and used as banners all around the world.

But his work has had the strongest impact in Romania, because for a long time nobody cared about youth movements in his home country. The media refused to cover them, considering activism, as a whole, irrelevant, unless it was done by the major political parties. When Perjovschi, an internationally renowned artist, backed the local protests with his art, it began to convince a lot of people of the importance of fighting for a cause you believe in.

Perjovschi's drawings make you laugh at first. Then, slowly but surely, they leave you with a bitter taste. To find out more about the man behind the drawings, I arranged a meeting.

"I was born in 1961, when the Berlin wall was built," Perjovschi tells me. "I come from the side which didn't have any graffiti on it."

Ever since he was a child, Perjovschi loved to draw. At ten years old, he took his first step into the world of Soviet art when his parents sent him to art school in Sibiu.

"I didn't realize that things were so bad. I was young living in Sibiu—a nice city with girls, love, and Lia," said the artist remembering the young woman who would eventually become his wife. "We were in the same class when we were ten. We became friends in the eighth grade, then had a nasty break up, and found each other again right before the end of high school, when most people were splitting up."

Perjovschi in Bucharest

But it wasn't long before he started to find out what it meant to grow up in a repressive regime that frowns upon freedom of speech. "I was in high school and when I opened my textbook, I noticed somebody had drawn a moustache on Ceausescu. I thought to myself, 'Wow, what if the professor sees it?' So I discreetly tore the page, slowly, so nobody would hear me," remembers Perjovschi.

But the teacher caught him and called the principal and the school council. She wanted to kick him out of school. "And I wasn't even trying to act like a dissident, I was just trying to cover my ass."

Because he didn't tear up any other photos of Ceausescu, Perjovschi graduated and went on to art college in Iași. If you ask him now to tell you about his early work, he just makes a sour face, as you've just offered him a rotten apple. "I always hated painting," he tells me. "I ended up majoring in it because there wasn't really an alternative. I did some absolutely horrible paintings. Some sort of boring surrealism."

After college, Dan Perjovschi married Lia and moved to another city, Oradea, where he took a job as a museum curator. There he joined Atelier 35 Oradea, a platform for young artists. "I got there with my crappy painting style and those men influenced me. They worked with photography, they experimented. Meanwhile, my wife had gone to college in Bucharest and she exposed me to new ideas. That was my true education."

A drawing linking the Olympic torch in Sochi and the burning of Kiev under the Euromaidan protests.

Perjovshci knew each of his works or exhibits would go through the filter of communist censorship. He had to invent his own language, something which couldn't be a protest against dictatorship, but which also would not respect the status quo of paintings of flower pots and apple baskets. That's how he started making "little people."

"I was doing a sort of pattern; I would do a grid on paper and draw a little man in each square. The people in charge of censorship didn't get it. I would tell them 'It's about industry, working men, whatever.' They figured out that I was pulling their leg, but they needed me to go through this act. In Oradea, we were a young group of experimentalists, but we couldn't attack the system. We were basically playing with our dicks in the sand and they let us do it. But we were playing, not hiding."

Despite the Iron Curtain's closed doors, Dan Perjovschi's art left Romania before he did—in an envelope. He would send his work to foreign artists and they would, in turn, respond with their artwork.

A drawing by Perjovschi in which he states that government transparency sometimes just means that riot police use transparent shields

"There was an entire alternative trend in the West against the art market. I would send art to you, you would send art to me. Some even did entire exhibits in their workshops with what they received in the mail. Other works, which were more complex, were called visual poetry and they were shown in museums. That's how I had my work exhibited in Sao Paolo back then. I would send my drawings of little men," explained the artist.

The rebellious streak came later for Dan Perjovschi. "Back then, I didn't do what I do now. I started fighting the dictatorship only after it was over."

A drawing by Perjovschi about the situation going gaga in the Gaza Strip

When the communist regime fell in 1989, Perjovschi was spending his Christmas with his family in Sibiu. That was the same city in which dictator Ceausescu's son resided, so it was full of security and armed forces. It became the scene of pandemonium, a city under siege, where nobody knew who was firing at who.

"History was changed by the corpses of the people who marched in the streets. I will never forget that a thousand people died so I can speak now," says Perjovschi.

A sculpture with hundreds of little men, a society

He's not a theoretical man, but one who likes to experiment. "I look at something and think: does it make sense, doesn't it, does it say something? These objects are slightly strange, they function in a minimal setting, but if you look carefully, you could see more. They are like a society, so if you pull them, they bend, but you cannot break them," he says about his little wire men, a sculpture he's working on when we meet.

We arrive at the Regional Francophone Centre of Advanced Research in Social Sciences (CeReFREA) in Bucharest, where a curtain of little wire men hangs in the library of a classroom. Nearby is the lavish villa of the former Romanian PM, who just got released from prison.

Perjovschi remembers the last time he was in the Parliament: "I will never visit that horrible building again. This symbol, which has nothing to do with culture, dominates Romania—the Parliament is currently housed in Ceausescu's former palace, which is one of the largest structures in the world. It's become sympathetic. Robbie William put on a concert in front of it this year. These things make it sweeter, they humanize it. I say that in my representations: It's on fridge magnets now. You stick the building on the fridge. It's a rare perversion. It's called the People's House, but the people have to buy a ticket to visit it!"

On the walls in CeReFREA, Dan Perjovschi puts the People's House where it belongs—in the background. The building is reduced to a blotch under his marker. The library is also decorated with some of the little men he made out of paper at the beginning of the 1990s, when he was in Germany on a scholarship. "Sometimes I have no mental strength left, so I let my hands do the work. I am ashamed to just sit around, because I'm an artist. This kind of activity helps me clear my mind, it helps me relax."

What do they represent? "You can imagine whatever you want about these dudes." And indeed you can: some seem to dance, others seem to fight. Their creator takes each one and makes them face each other, just like he convinces his audience to pay attention to his drawings.

To get a bigger picture about Perjovschi, I spoke to several people who knew him, from both the art world as well as activists and protesters.

"I saw something which made me freeze on that wall. There were hundreds of figurines drawn on paper, layers and layers of them. The work was signed by Dan Perjovschi," says Olga Stefan, an ethnic Romanian curator, who was born in Chicago and lives in Switzerland.

The young woman was studying art management at the University of Chicago. Her Masters term paper was about the relationship between art and the development of civil society. It was the first time she heard the name of Dan Perjovschi and she decided to contact him.

"He became my mentor for the Master's degree. He helped me, he opened my eyes," says Stefan who, later, became a curator for his exhibits. "Dan Perjovschi's messages work on several levels. They leave conventional space, they go from museum walls to the street."

One of Perjovschi's wall drawings

In the spring of 2013, Dan Perjovschi received a message. It was from Mihai Bumbeș, a former history student and a founding member of NGO Spiritual Militia, whose mission is to mobilize civic consciousness.

These were the first days of the Occupy University movement, where students from several universities around the country refused to leave their classrooms as a protest against the poor funding of the education system and government negligence.

The students from Bucharest invited Dan Perjovschi to support them. His drawings ended up covering the classrooms.

"He is an artist who constantly uses anti-systemic political messages in his creations. He is a well-trusted person, and his 'minimalist' message has a strong impact upon society, especially in the marginal intellectual groups. Also, he's very modest. Success never got to him," says Mihai Bumbeș.

Dan Perjovschi's drawings move people and are used everywhere from amphitheaters to protest fliers, because they are "smart, critical, concise, edgy, ironic, subversive, and in flux", says curator Simona Nastac, who currently lives in London. She organized Perjovschi's exhibit, Drawings in the Factory, in May 2014, in the city of Suceava.

"He creates a space for critical reflection and convinces the public to participate, to enter a dialogue. Dan creates new drawings every day, he keeps you in check with what is happening around the world and he inspires you to answer—to react," says Nastac.

It will come as little surprise then, that when the protests concerning the Roșia Montană mining operation started, Dan Perjovschi couldn't just stand by. These were basically the first large youth protests in Romania since the early 1990s, and no major media outlet was talking about them, even though thousands of young people occupied the main streets of Bucharest and hit the asphalt with plastic bottles filled with pebbles to wake up the blazed city. On September 7, which was the seventh day of the protests, he told the protesters "Keep calm and smash the plastic bottles" on Facebook. "The noise those bottles made, the rhythm made by hitting the asphalt with them was like a subliminal chant. I've seen soldiers with riot shields who stomped the same rhythm with their boots," says Perjovschi.

A drawing through which Perjovschi expressed the fears of the protesters, that the Roșia Montană mining operation would destroy several mountains in northern Romania

"I would receive thousands of messages per day. I don't want to brag—I can't handle protests anymore, I had my fill in December 1989 when the regime fell. I couldn't imagine that such solidarity could exist again. For me it was a great surprise and I admired their protest. I grew up with another type of protest, where we were isolated in the middle of the city and the government surrounded us, so we stewed in our own juices."

Dan Perjovschi produced a lot of slogans for the Roșia Montană protests. Again, his drawings had spread through the streets. Just like they would spread in 2015, on January 8, when a protester could barely feel his hands from the cold after holding two papers with Perjovschi's messages. The protester, Alexandru Alexe, told me that he chose those messages because they underlined the essential points and anybody could understand them. "A drawing by Perjovschi helps everyone understand why we are protesting and what we want."



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